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The Beijing Consensus (also sometimes called the "China Model" or "Chinese Economic Model") is a term that refers to the political and especially economic policies of the People's Republic of China〔(The allure of the Chinese model ) ZHANG Weiwei / International Herald Tribune, 2 November 2006〕 that began after the death of Mao Zedong and the rehabilitation of Deng Xiaoping (1976) and are thought to have contributed to China's eightfold growth in gross national product over two decades.〔"Commentator doubts efficacy of "Chinese model" for Iran"| BBC Monitoring Middle East - Political () 4 May 2002: 1.〕〔 The phrase "Beijing Consensus" was coined by Joshua Cooper Ramo to pose China's economic development model as an alternative — especially for developing countries — to the Washington Consensus of market-friendly policies promoted by the IMF, World Bank and U.S. Treasury.〔(International Political Economy Zone: Is There a Beijing Consensus? )〕 The term has been described variously as the pragmatic use of innovation and experimentation in the service of "equitable, peaceful high-quality growth", and "defense of national borders and interests" (by Ramo);〔 the use of "stable, if repressive, politics and high-speed economic growth". Others maintain that "it seems" there is "no consensus as to what it stands for" other than being an alternative to the neoliberal Washington Consensus;〔 and that the term "is applied to anything that happens in Beijing, regardless of whether or not it has to do with a 'Chinese Model of Development,' or even with the People's Republic of China (PRC) per se."〔 ==Joshua Cooper Ramo== The term's birth into the mainstream political lexicon was in 2004 when the United Kingdom's Foreign Policy Centre published a paper by Joshua Cooper Ramo titled ''The Beijing Consensus.'' In this paper, he laid out three broad guidelines for economic development. Ramo was a former senior editor and foreign editor of ''Time'' magazine and later a partner at Kissinger Associates, the consulting firm of former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger.〔(No consensus on the Beijing Consensus - How the World Works - Salon.com )〕 The first guideline involves a "commitment to innovation and constant experimentation." One of the major criticisms of the Washington Consensus is its complacency. Ramo argues that there is no perfect solution, and that the only true path to success is one that is dynamic, as no one plan works for every situation. The second guideline states that Per Capita Income (GDP/capita) should not be the lone measure of progress. Rather, Ramo feels that the sustainability of the economic system and an even distribution of wealth, along with GDP, are important indicators of progress. The third guideline urges a policy of self-determination, where the less-developed nations use leverage to keep the superpowers in check and assure their own financial sovereignty. This includes not only financial self-determination, but also a shift to the most effective military strategy, which Ramo suggests is more likely to be an asymmetric strategy rather than one that seeks direct confrontation. Unlike the Washington Consensus, which largely ignored questions of geo-politics, Ramo argues—particularly in the Chinese context—that geo-politics and geo-economics are fundamentally linked. 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「Beijing Consensus」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
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